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Also the book provides the perspective of foreign direct investment FDI absorption to identify how Chinese economy changes in production efficiency. Commodity Modeling and Pricing. Peter V.


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The Economics of Poverty. Martin Ravallion. The New Introduction to Geographical Economics. Steven Brakman. The International Migration Of Women. Taxation, Growth and Fiscal Institutions. Albert J. Financial Systems in Developing Economies. Robert M. Environmental Sustainability.

Identification and Measuring

Raghbendra Jha. Handbook of Computable General Equilibrium Modeling. Peter B. The Diversity of Modern Capitalism. Bruno Amable. Energy Security for the EU in the 21st Century. China's Remarkable Economic Growth. John Knight. China, Asia, and the New World Economy. Barry Eichengreen.

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Gerardo Angeles Castro. The New Urban Economics. Economic Models for Policy Making. Solomon Cohen. Takuji Kinkyo. Macroeconomic Policies and Poverty. Ashoka Mody. Stabilization and Structural Adjustment. Finn Tarp. China's Regional Development. Zhao Chen. Foreign Direct Investment in China. Ziliang Deng. Credibility and the International Monetary Regime.

Michael D. Environmental Taxes and Fiscal Reform. China and Asia. Yin-Wong Cheung. Carbon-Energy Taxation. Mikael Skou Andersen. Economic Consequences of Globalization. Shujiro Urata. Alessandro Mr. The Economics of Sustainable Development. The Social Economics of Poverty. Christopher B. Globalization and the Nation State.


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  6. Stephen Kosack. India and Global Climate Change. The country now produces a wide range of goods across the entire electronics manufacturing segment. A look at the emergence of the southern province of Guangdong as an electronics manufacturing and technology hub in China explains why large manufacturers and high-tech investors have been reluctant to relocate operations. The SEG Electronics Market, for example, located in the city of Shenzhen, offers component parts, semi-finished and finished equipment, as well as more sophisticated devices — from electronic chips and circuit boards, to small gadgets and smartphones, to video cameras and headsets, to drones and hoverboards.

    These markets essentially serve as sales links to thousands of factories located in more interior areas across the country. Hosting such an integrated network of supply vendors and production facilities has also allowed Guangdong to nurture an ecosystem of firms and startups. Firms can prototype new industrial designs and manufacture and scale up the production of almost any kind of electronic device in record time — for both international and local clients. Further facilitating production is the presence of a wide network of venture capital funds, law firms, and corporate services providers in the region, which is well-linked to Hong Kong and major metropolises like Shanghai by high-speed rail and highway.

    For example, Foxconn recently announced that it had laid off 50, seasonal workers in China since October due to slowing iPhone sales and is seriously exploring the possibility of manufacturing smartphones in India. Cable and connector maker Luxshare is setting up in Vietnam and exploring facilities in India. Wistron, the Taiwanese original design manufacturer, has been calculating the costs of a shift out of China as it factors the US tariff threat to its business. Aware of these trends, both preceding and as a fallout of the trade war — the provincial government of Guangdong has sought to incentivize foreign investment towards the innovation and high-tech sectors.

    Specifically, the plan allows foreign investors to set up wholly foreign-owned enterprises WFOEs to produce special-purpose and new energy vehicles NEVs , drones, aircraft, and other high-tech industries — where joint ventures were previously required.

    Despite strong support coming from government, the trade war has revealed the limits of some of these plans. Leadership in emerging technology like AI and 5G are frontline issues in US-China tensions, which has started to dampen foreign investment in this sector in China. Foreign firms are reluctant to bring proprietary technology to China, fearing state-sponsored IP theft. This led foreign companies and the global business community to repeatedly question the means by which China could achieve the rapid transformation and self-reliance across all verticals in the technology industry as outlined in the MIC blueprint.

    Changes in Production Efficiency in China: Identification and Measuring

    Governments around the world are now increasingly scrutinizing the import of Chinese-origin electronics and components, putting more limits on the extent to which foreign firms can rely on China to source higher-value technology. These challenges and concerns continue to dominate the agenda in US-China trade negotiations. How China responds to these concerns will determine if they can secure the confidence of major private sector players.

    Faced with heightened geopolitical risks, and rising labor and land and labor costs, many foreign investors ar In this issue of Vietnam Briefing magazine, we discuss the growing popularity of China plus one manufacturing Doing Business in China is designed to introduce the fundamentals of investing in China.

    Compiled by the This edition of Tax, Accounting, and Audit in China, updated for , offers a comprehensive overview of the Your email address will not be published. Notify me of follow-up comments by email. Notify me of new posts by email. Stay Ahead of the curve in Emerging Asia.

    The following interactive chart from the Observatory for Economic Complexity OEC , at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, shows a breakdown of total world merchandise exports by product category, for You can visit the OEC website to see this composition country by country. In this embedded interactive chart you can use the options at the bottom to change how the data is presented.

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    If we consider all pairs of countries that engage in trade around the world, we find that in the majority of cases, there is a bilateral relationship today: Most countries that export goods to a country, also import goods from the same country. The following interactive visualization shows this. In this chart, all possible country pairs are partitioned into three categories: the top portion represents the fraction of country pairs that do not trade with one-another; the middle portion represents those that trade in both directions they export to one-another ; and the bottom portion represents those that trade in one direction only one country imports from, but does not export to, the other country.

    As we can see, bilateral trade is becoming increasingly common the middle portion has grown substantially. As we can see, up until the Second World War the majority of trade transactions involved exchanges between this small group of rich countries. But this has been changing quickly over the last couple of decades, and today trade between non-rich countries is just as important as trade between rich countries.

    Here is a stacked area chart showing the total composition of exports by partnership. The last few decades have not only seen an increase in the volume of international trade, but also an increase in the number of preferential trade agreements through which exchanges take place. A preferential trade agreement is a trade pact that reduces tariffs between the participating countries for certain products. The following visualization shows the evolution of the cumulative number of preferential trade agreements that are in force across the world, according to the World Trade Organization WTO.

    These numbers include notified and non-notified preferential agreements the source reports that only about two-thirds of the agreements currently in force have been notified to the WTO , and are disaggregated by country groups. This figure shows the increasingly important role of trade between developing countries South-South trade , vis-a-vis trade between developed and developing countries North-South trade. In the late s, North-South agreements accounted for more than half of all agreements — in , they accounted for about one quarter.

    Today, the majority of preferential trade agreements are between developing economies. The increase in trade among emerging economies over the last half century has been accompanied by an important change in the composition of exported goods in these countries. Two points stand out. First, there has been a substantial decrease in the relative importance of food exports since s in most countries although globally in the last decade it has gone up slightly. And second, this decrease has been largest in middle income countries, particularly in Latin America.

    Regarding levels, as one would expect, in high income countries food still accounts for a much smaller share of merchandise exports than in most low- and middle-income-countries. Economic costs include physical inputs the value of the stuff you use to produce the good , plus forgone opportunities when you allocate scarce resources to a task, you give up alternative uses of those resources.

    The forgone opportunities of production are key to understand this concept. It is precisely this that distinguishes absolute advantage from comparative advantage. To see the difference between comparative and absolute advantage, consider a commercial aviation pilot and a baker. Suppose the pilot is an excellent chef, and she can bake just as well, or even better than the baker.

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    In this case, the pilot has an absolute advantage in both tasks. Yet the baker probably has a comparative advantage in baking, because the opportunity cost of baking is much higher for the pilot. At the individual level, comparative advantage explains why you might want to delegate tasks to someone else, even if you can do those tasks better and faster than them. This may sound counterintuitive, but it is not: If you are good at many things, it means that investing time in one task has a high opportunity cost, because you are not doing the other amazing things you could be doing with your time and resources.

    So, at least from an efficiency point of view, you should specialize on what you are best at, and delegate the rest. The same logic applies to countries. In countries with relative abundance of certain factors of production, the theory of comparative advantage predicts that they will export goods that rely heavily in those factors: a country typically has a comparative advantage in those goods that use more intensively its abundant resources.

    Colombia exports bananas to Europe because it has comparatively abundant tropical weather.

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    Under autarky, Colombia would find it cheap to produce bananas relative to e. The empirical evidence suggests that the principle of comparative advantage does help explain trade patterns. Bernhofen and Brown 13 , for instance, provide evidence using the experience of Japan. The following graph shows the price changes of the key tradable goods after the opening up to trade. It presents a scatter diagram of the net exports in graphed in relation to the change in prices from —53 to As we can see, this is consistent with the theory: after opening to trade, the relative prices of major exports such as silk increased Japan exported what was cheap for them to produce and which was valuable abroad , while the relative price of imports such as sugar declined they imported what was relatively more difficult for them to produce, but was cheap abroad.

    The resistance that geography imposes on trade has long been studied in the empirical economics literature — and the main conclusion is that trade intensity is strongly linked to geographic distance. Each dot represents a country-pair from a set of 19 OECD countries, and both the vertical and horizontal axis are expressed on logarithmic scales. As we can see, there is a strong negative relationship. Trade diminishes with distance. Through econometric modeling, the paper shows that this relationship is not just a correlation driven by other factors: their findings suggest that distance imposes a significant barrier to trade.

    The fact that trade diminishes with distance is also corroborated by data of trade intensity within countries. The colors reflect the percentage of firms which export to each specific country. As we can see, the share of firms exporting to each of the corresponding neighbors is largest close to the border. The authors also show in the paper that this pattern holds for the value of individual-firm exports — trade value decreases with distance to the border. Conducting international trade requires both financial and non-financial institutions to support transactions.

    Some of these institutions are fairly obvious e. For example, the evidence shows that producers in exporting countries often need credit in order to engage in trade.


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    As can be seen, financially developed economies — those with more dynamic private credit markets — typically outperform exporters with less evolved financial institutions. Other studies have shown that country-specific institutions, like the knowledge of foreign languages, for instance, are also important to promote foreign relative to domestic trade see Melitz The concept of comparative advantage predicts that if all countries had identical endowments and institutions, then there would be little incentives for specialization, because the opportunity cost of producing any good would be the same in every country.

    So you may wonder: why is it then the case that in the last few years we have seen such rapid growth in intra-industry trade between rich countries? The increase in intra-industry between rich countries seems paradoxical under the light of comparative advantage, because in recent decades we have seen convergence in key factors, such as human capital , across these countries.

    The solution to the paradox is actually not very complicated: Comparative advantage is one, but not the only force driving incentives to specialization and trade. The idea is that specialization allows countries to reap greater economies of scale i. In a much cited paper, Evenett and Keller 21 show that both factor endowments and increasing returns help explain production and trade patterns around the world.

    There are dozens of official sources of data on international trade.

    Guide Changes in Production Efficiency in China: Identification and Measuring

    If you compare these different sources, you will find that they do not agree with one another. Even if you focus on what seems to be the same indicator for the same year in the same country, discrepancies are large. Such differences between sources can also be found for rich countries where statistical agencies tend to follow international reporting guidelines more closely.

    And there are also large bilateral discrepancies within sources.